Strange Unheard of Things: Catharine Huntington’s Writing and Correspondence with Gladys Huntington

Currently filling the corn barn at PPH are stacks, packages, and bundles of letters written to or by members of the Huntington family. The postdates attest that rarely a day went by without any given Huntington penning a letter to inquire after someone’s health, share an amusing anecdote, or simply catch up, a testament to the family’s proclivity for the written word. Their literary pursuits were not limited to these daily communications; however, many of the family members were published authors, poets, or playwrights. Arria Huntington (1848-1921) wrote plays and memoirs, Ruth Gregson Huntington (1849-1946) published a number of short stories and poems, and in the next generation, Constant Huntington (1876-1962) served as the chairman of the London branch of G. P. Putnam’s Sons Books from 1906 to 1953. He and his wife Gladys were heavily involved in the London literary scene, corresponding and dining with such litterateurs as James Joyce, Desmond McCarthy, and Harold Nicolson. 

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Of all the family members, Gladys Parrish Huntington (1887-1959) arguably found the most literary success, although she would only be recognized for it over three decades after she was revealed as the author of the bestselling 1956 novel Madame Solario. This revelation came quietly a few months after the anonymous novel’s publication; Life Magazine reported in its March 18, 1957 edition (which itself cites an earlier article in the London Express that had revealed Gladys’ identity) that “the author was an elderly literary gentlewoman...living in the backwater of Kensington.” Yet, speculation continued for decades. Acclaimed British author Mary Renault, in an interview with The American Scholar in 1970, claims Madame Solario to be “one of the finest novels of our century,” going on to say: “After many inquiries in the publishing world, I learned the author was called Constance Huntington.” Not quite. A 1992 French mystery novella entitled Qui a Écrit Madame Solario? made the bizarre claim that Winston Churchill was the author. Bernard Cohen’s extensive research, published in the French newspaper Libération in 2009, is widely credited for definitively solving the not-so-mysterious mystery, although the novel had been published with Glady’s name on the cover as early as the 1980s. The real mystery is why no one noticed.

Easily regarded as her magnum opus, Madame Solario drew high praise from writers and critics, including comparisons to the prose of Henry James, Edith Wharton, and E. M. Forster. Over half a century following its publication, the allure of the story persists, inspiring a 2012 French film adaption of the provocative tale of incest and social scandal, as well as translations into seven languages. The novel’s consideration of such taboo topics has often been speculated to be the reason for which Gladys chose to conceal her identity as the author upon the initial publication. She published under the name Gladys Parrish as early as 1915 with her novel Carfrae’s Comedy, published by Putnam while Constant was at its head. Her play Barton’s Folly was produced a decade later, receiving an overall unenthusiastic critical response. A packet of reviews of the play’s production we came across consistently categorized it as a disappointment, but recognized the sign of a talented new voice. “The play had that “something” which justified its performance by The Three Hundred. It lay in the dramatist’s sense of the interesting complexity of human relations. Though inexpert, confused, and full of bugbears, Barton’s Folly is the work of an imagination. I found it often absurd, but never dull,” wrote leading literary critic Desmond McCarthy, who would go on to become a close friend of Gladys. She did not publish or produce again for over 30 years, perhaps taking the time to hone her skill and voice as a writer. These efforts were well spent, for two of her stories were subsequently published in The New Yorker in 1952 and then again in 1954 under the name G.T. Huntington, a vague enough stylization of her married name to obfuscate both her gender and any connection to what she previously published. Whether or not this was her intention is unclear, for the runaway success of Madame Solario a few years later established Gladys, by this point in her 70’s, as a brilliant new literary voice.

Tucked away in a packet of correspondence between Gladys and her sister-in-law Catharine Huntington (1887-1987) was a letter from the latter to the former, enclosed in an envelope together with a short story and a photograph of herself. Catharine humbly cautions her sister-in-law about her writing, “It is only a fragment- it may amuse you for a moment- at all events it gives pleasure to send to you.” If Gladys was the literary icon of the family, Catharine was the theatrical. She was involved with the Peabody Playhouse, the Brattle Theatre, the Tributary Theatre, and the Poet's Theatre, juggling the many titles of actress, producer, director, and manager. Further, she helped to found the Boston Stage Society, the Provincetown Playhouse, and the New England Repertory Theatre. Her integral role in New England theatre lasted for over six decades and earned her a Rodgers and Hammerstein Award in 1965, as well as formal recognition from Governor Michael Dukakis and Massachusetts State Legislature in 1985 for her contributions. Before finding her niche in the world of theatre, it seems that Catharine dabbled in writing as so many Huntingtons had before her.

Photo of Catharine Huntington enclosed in her letter to Gladys Huntington

Photo of Catharine Huntington enclosed in her letter to Gladys Huntington

The letter in question is dated only as far as August 11th, although given its subject and contents, it can be dated to 1917, as World War I intensified in Europe. This would have been prior to Catharine’s serious involvement in New England theatre. The letter expresses the perspective of a 30-year-old schoolteacher trying to find her place in the world, seeking a sense of purpose in the war efforts and speaking longingly of lives vastly different from her own. “I long so much to go to France, to serve in the trial… Without any very definite prospect and still uncertain whether it would be right to leave home- I began to prepare,” Catharine writes. She goes on to tell Gladys of her concentrated efforts to this end: enrolling in a nursing course run by the Red Cross, motor driving lessons at the YWCA automobile school, a course in Ford machinery. She practiced her French with a kindly Miss Hough on a bench in the Boston Public Garden and took on nursing shifts at the Massachusetts Homeopathic Hospital,  the building of which today houses Boston University’s School of Public Health. Evidently, her studies paid off, for within a year she had left her job teaching at the Westover School and travelled to France, where she would serve as a nurse’s aid until 1920 in the Wellesley Unit of the YMCA. Contemplating this next chapter in her life, she writes, “I don’t know whether I am in a great mess or gloriously on my way- somewhere.” Catharine concludes her letter by signing off with that same note of desperate ambiguity: “Dearest Gladys- do write more- your life seems so clear and lovely- mine so confused and full of strange unheard of things.” 

“One Afternoon”, the short story Catharine sent along, reflects many of these same sentiments in its protagonist, Laurencina, an aristocratic young woman disillusioned by the allure of high society and feeling unmoored in her life. The piece takes place in the U.S Virgin Islands over nine pages, largely composed of dialogue between Laurencina and her rejected suitor, Charles Durrain. Her writing takes a Whartonian interest in the discontents of the upper class, balancing afternoon social calls, high tea, and literal high brow-edness (“The hair grew thick off his high forehead,” Laurencina observes of Durrain) against Laurencina’s consuming desire for something more that she can neither identify nor attain. 

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“Charles-” she broke out, in the midst of something that he was saying, “I am so dissatisfied with my life- You have known me a long time- Why is it that I seem to be accomplishing nothing? I feel that I could be so wonderful, do so much, and here I am day after day.” The thoughts that had crowded her mind for so long- now seemed to have left her. After all, she could not express them.

“Don’t be dissatisfied,” Durrain was saying. “Think of your influence in the family here- and then your father! There is a reason for being of use. What would he do without you?” He spoke in the voice of a teacher.

“Yes,” Laurencina answered in a low tone, “I must not be dissatisfied.” And then her passion broke out again. “You are a man, and cannot judge fairly. There is your work at the Embassy, and your visits here and there, moonlight rides-”

Catharine’s keen awareness of the different prospects available to men and women comes through in Laurencina’s reticence to accept Durrain’s dismissive response. Perhaps she is thinking of her own position, uncertain as to whether or not to leave her family behind in the States and travel to Europe in search of a life of more consequence. Catharine does strike out on her own, but the fictional Laurencina does not; further down the page, she takes up knitting, performing in the act an acceptance of Durrain’s ideas about the role of women. As the story concludes, Laurencina continues her performance of contentment at family dinner that night:

“Charles Durrain asked to be remembered, Papa,” Laurencina said.

“Oh, he was here- again. I should like to see him. You ought to marry him, Laurencina.”

Laurencina moved her plate a little. She felt very tired. Edith was speaking in her kind, high voice. 

“Oh, Laurencina is so hard to please.”

 Laurencina made an effort and smiled a little.

There the story ends, with Laurencina more desolate than before following her failure to find sympathy and understanding in Durrain. The manuscript bears marks of the editing process, presumably by the hand of Catharine herself, crossing out phrases and inserting others. Perhaps the piece is a work in progress, though it seems unlikely that Catharine had any intent to publish or further refine her work. Her writing style is rather unpolished, aiming for the Whartonian undertones her sister-in-law captures so evocatively, but not quite hitting the mark. She tends to tell rather than show, and it’s all just a bit cliché and melodramatic: “In the narrow mirrors as she passed- Laurencina saw her face- it seemed to her that a strange, beautiful woman looked at her sorrowfully.” Nonetheless, Catharine’s goal of momentary amusement for her audience was well met in the brief glimpse she provides into the drama of Laurencina’s personal life and psyche. Catharine crafts a compelling narrative of her protagonist’s complicated relationship with Durrain and struggle to assert herself within the societal constraints that would limit women to marriage and household duties. In the thousands of letters we’ve yet to read, perhaps we’ll come across Gladys’ response to Catharine, and discover her reactions, encouragements, criticisms, or praises of her sister-in-law’s work.

Sources

Bastek, Stephanie. “Neglected Books Revisited, Part 2.” The American Scholar, Phi Beta Kappa, 11 Aug. 2020, theamericanscholar.org/neglected-books-revisited-part-2/.

Cohen, Bernard. “Madame Solario Tout Un Roman.” Libération, Libération, 7 Nov. 2009, www.liberation.fr/culture/2009/11/07/madame-solario-tout-un-roman_592310/.

“G.P. Putnam's Sons Records, 1891-1937: Rare Book & Manuscript Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.” G.P. Putnam's Sons Records, 1891-1937 | Rare Book & Manuscript Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, The University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, archives.library.illinois.edu/rbml/?p=collections%2Ffindingaid&id=943&q=&rootcontentid=90949.

Joyce, James, Gilbert, Stuart, & Ellmann, Richard. (1966). Letters of James Joyce (New ed., with corrections..). Viking Press.

McCarthy, Desmond. “Drama Inexperienced and Expert.” The New Statesman. 20 December 1924.

“Sensation Gets an Author.” Life, 18 Mar. 1957, pp. 125.

A Closer Look at the Life of Elizabeth Pitkin Porter

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Elizabeth Pitkin Porter, hailing from a prominent family in Connecticut and married into the wealthy Porter family of Hadley, was a woman of high stature and importance in the community. Pious and deeply caring, she attended church regularly, taught her grandchildren to read and write, and often traveled across western Massachusetts to support ill relatives and friends. Elizabeth’s life, however, had a darker side-- an open secret amongst her friends and family. Elizabeth suffered from anxiety attacks, crippling episodes of depression, and, ultimately, an all-consuming addiction to opium. Contrary to popular belief, Elizabeth’s mental health struggles and exposure to opium were ongoing and long predated her husband’s tragic death in the Seven Years’ War. Feelings of isolation and loneliness plagued Elizabeth through early marriage, motherhood, and widowhood; finding a cure became an ongoing and often fruitless crusade.

In 1742 Elizabeth Pitkin left her childhood home in East Hartford for Hadley to marry Moses Porter, leaving behind many friends and family members. Over the next few years, Elizabeth experienced extreme anxiety-- perhaps a response to the dramatic change in her social environment. By February 1747, shortly before becoming pregnant with her daughter, Elizabeth received a prescription for an opium-based drug after a visit with the family doctor, Richard Crouch. The year 1752 brought another significant change in Elizabeth’s life. The couple moved away from their house in the Hadley town center, a site of socialization and camaraderie with neighbors, to the home Moses built, two miles away from any other property, which certainly contributed to Elizabeth’s feelings of isolation. By 1753 Elizabeth was diagnosed with “hysteria” -- a catch-all term for anxious, depressed, or supposedly amoral women-- and prescribed laudanum, an alcoholic solution containing opium. 

At the time laudanum was lauded as a panacea-- a treatment for both physical and mental ailments. One English physician, Thomas Sydenham (1624-1689), celebrated the drug’s versatility, “Among the remedies to which it has pleased Almighty God to give to man to relieve his sufferings, none is so universal and efficacious as opium.” Towards the end of his life, Benjamin Franklin depended on laudanum to relieve the excruciating pain from his kidney stones. Abraham Lincoln was prescribed ointments containing laudanum to counter periods of depression. While some of the drug’s negative side effects were understood-- in 1818 the American Dispensatory even warned of the “tremors, paralysis, stupidity, and general emaciation” from excessive usage-- opium addiction was never publicly recognized until the release of Thomas De Quincey’s book in 1821, Confessions of an English Opium Eater. Quincey described the drug’s potency: “[H]appiness might now be bought for a penny, and carried in the waistcoat pocket: portable ecstasies might be had corked up on a pint bottle and peace of mind could be sent down in gallons by the coach mail.” Long before Thomas Quincey’s forays with the drug, Elizabeth would succumb to opium’s intoxicating effects. 


The Seven Years’ War, beginning in 1755, called Captain Moses Porter away from his home, wife, and daughter at Forty Acres. While Moses fought under Colonel Ephraim Williams at Crown Point in northern New York, Elizabeth toiled at home, raising their daughter and living in constant fear that Moses would soon die. During this time, the property’s distance from other homes became particularly unbearable for Elizabeth. One letter from Moses in July of that year reveals Elizabeth’s depressed mental state “I Received yours of the 14 of July [on] 19 of the same which was such a cordial to [me] as I had not had since I left you… You hinted something of being [alone] even in company I am very sensible of it my [self] but I believe you have a double portion of it.”

Elizabeth also experienced the stresses of war more immediately, writing to Moses about army deserters who “milk our cows devour our corn destroy our garden and are often about the house in the night.” In August, sensing depression and apathy in Elizabeth’s letters, Moses wrote: “I could have been glad to ha[ve] seen a Little more of the Hero in your letter.” Moses could not have fully understood the trials Elizabeth faced at home. Elizabeth simply dismissed his critique, insisting, “You must not expect masculine from feminine.” The couple’s correspondence, however, would soon cease. The Battle of Lake George in early September proved fatal for Moses; his sword would later be returned to a bereaved and traumatized Elizabeth. 

Moses’ death inaugurated a new period in Elizabeth’s life: widowhood. Elizabeth did not remarry, continuing to raise her daughter and run the farm with the help of a distant relative, Caleb Bartlett. The diary of Elizabeth’s daughter provides insight into her life during this period, cataloging the multitude of doctor’s visits, her growing dependency on laudanum, and desperate attempts to battle depression and addiction.

A typical treatment for depression at the time included regimented exercise and outings. Elizabeth rode horses and visited watering holes supposedly blessed with healing properties throughout western Massachusetts and northeastern Connecticut. During one such trip Elizabeth wrote to her daughter: “How long I shall be upon my Jorney I cant tell, I shall endeaveur to follow the directions of Providence for the recovery of my health, I hope I aint worse then when I left you. I wish I may return in a Comfortable state of health.” Her mention of “Providence” reflects the important role religion held in her life. While Elizabeth saw her faith as a path to heal, and the church provided structure and neighborly support, oftentimes the church was not beneficial for women with chronic depression. Women who were unable to overcome prolonged periods of depression could be perceived as morally repugnant and, consequently, often masked symptoms of depression to avoid public scrutiny. 

When non-pharmaceutical methods failed, doctors often opted for laudanum to treat depressed or “hysterical” women. During the 18th century, opium was especially popular in treating medical issues specific to women. In his Treatise on Opium written in 1753-- the same year Elizabeth received a prescription for laudanum-- Dr. George Young advocated the use of opium to curb nausea during pregnancy. The Married Woman’s Private Medical Companion, written by A.M. Mauriceau in 1847, suggested opium to relieve menstruation cramps: 

Let the patient have near her a few pills, consisting of opium… She is to take one of these pills the moment the pain attending this discharge comes on. A pill may be taken every hour till the pain ceases: more than two will seldom be required; yet they must be taken in quantities sufficient to mitigate the pain.

Elizabeth also suffered from physical problems, including “Rhumatizm,” which were commonly treated with laudanum as well. The “cure” for many of Elizabeth’s physical ailments was in fact the source of her pain and, like many chronic opioid users, Elizabeth suffered from muscular weakness, impaired memory, apathy, and cessation of the menses. Attempts to quit were still made, especially with encouragement from family and friends, but, even so, Elizabeth remained in the depths of severe addiction. One diary entry from Elizabeth’s daughter in 1784 offers a glimpse into the continued presence of opium in her life— even at the age of sixty-five. Her daughter wrote: “Old Mrs. Alexander came here with view to persuade my mother to leave off taking opium but in vain-- she took it before night the next day.” Elizabeth died in 1798 at the age of seventy-nine; a victim of a medical practice that had yet to grasp the full effects of chronic opium use.

 

Sources:

“ATrain Education.” What Precipitated the Opioid Crisis? ATrain Education. Accessed July 20, 2021.

Crandall, Russell. Drugs and Thugs: The History and Future of America's War on Drugs. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2021.

Mauriceau, A M. The Married Woman's Private Medical Companion. New York, 1847.

Mays, Dorothy A. Women in Early America: Struggle, Survival, and Freedom in a New World. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2004.

Pendergast Carlisle, Elizabeth. Earthbound and Heavenbent. New York, NY: Scribner, 2004.

Phelps, Elizabeth Porter. The Diary of Elizabeth (Porter) Phelps, edited by Thomas Eliot Andrews with an introduction by James Lincoln

Botany and Watercolors

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The Porter-Phelps-Huntington Museum has three watercolors noted as “Pictures (3), framed flower, watercolor. Made by Dan and Elizabeth Huntington's daughters at Miss Willard's School in Troy.”While it is uncertain which Huntington daughter can be ascribed as the artist, Elizabeth b. 1803, Bethia b. 1805, Mary b. 1815, and Catherine b. 1817 all attended the Emma Willard School where they had a rich exposure to the art of watercolors. The first watercolor in the collection is painted entirely in neutral hues. This process was typically used in the first quarter of the 19th century for “washing the shaded part of any colored flower or leaf” in shades of blue and black, later to be painted over in full color. These neutral colors served as a base for other pigments to be built on. Upon careful examination it appears that there may be two different plants flourishing from one stem: there are three large white flowers that emerge from extensions of the branch, as well as smaller blue bell-shaped blossoms below. The two flowers could represent two various stages of growth for one flower; however, they lack a similarity in appearance. There is also the question of whether the painting was finished. According to the 19th century guide, A Series of Progressive Lessons, Intended to Elucidate the Art of Flower Painting in Water Colours, the neutral wash was typically applied halfway as an undercoat for the actual color. For example, the next piece, a painting of blue flowers surrounded by lush green leaves, is fully colored, including the stem which is rendered in a dark greenish brown. If you look at the leaves on the left side of the painting, the inner halves are much darker than the outer. This is a perfect example of a student using a neutral tint to shade in the plant, and then painting over it with the intended color.

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 The two paintings mentioned above are likely to have been painted after Elizabeth and Dan Huntington’s daughters gained experience with watercolors. It is also quite clear that they had studied botany, based on the intricate study of veins, stems, and shading. The third watercolor in the collection is quite different: a bouquet of orange and pale purple flowers with thick green leaves. It is worth noting that it seems to have been painted by someone with less experience. The student attempted to capture the orange flowers from different viewpoints as some turn outwards to the viewer and others are seen from the back and profile. The central part of the composition is comprised of a large purple-white flower. It looks like the student tried to portray the flowers tubular center with a dark circle at the core. However, the lack of perspective and bold outlines imply that the student was unfamiliar with conveying depth as well as the anatomy of plants. The stems are shakily painted, and the shading of each petal is somewhat inconsistent with harsher outlines instead of soft shading. Rather than a bouquet employing depth and careful consideration of the plant’s anatomy, it is very two-dimensional.

The ability to paint was considered essential for an established young lady in the early 19th century. It signified that she was educated and refined and was often taught at institutions where middle- and upper-class families sent their daughters. Simultaneously, the 19th century reached a high level of achievement for botanical illustration. The sciences, which were encouraged through exhibitions around the world, utilized the art of botany, which worked in tandem to supplement scientific writing. Painting such an intricate and delicate subject took much practice, and these works showcase the culmination of progress.

 Watercolors were considered an important part of education at the Emma Willard School. In 1823, Almira Phelps, the younger sister of Emma Willard, accepted her sister's invitation to teach at the school where she remained for eight years. While teaching at the Emma Willard School, Almira developed a keen interest in botany. In 1829 she wrote her first and most successful textbook, Familiar Lectures on Botany. Over the course of the next forty plus years, the textbook went through twenty-eight different printings - each illustrated with various woodcuts and engravings. Almira Phelps believed that watercolors were the most appropriate technique to learn, as the “kind of painting most convenient for ladies; it can be performed with neatness, and without the disagreeable smell which attends on oil painting.” Almira also taught a brief history of art that focused on the classical world, and gave summaries of the major schools of art. Her lecture on flower painting touches on how it can assist the study of botany in a similar vein to her introduction on watercolors: “the study of botany seems peculiarly adapted to females; the objects of its investigation are delicate; its pursuits, leading to exercise in the open air, are conductive to health and cheerfulness.” As an accomplished botanist herself, Almira stressed the importance to take time to observe and take note of the “very distinctive characteristics of particular species of plants might be disregarded in [the flowers] delineation” which makes one wonder whether the girls were looking at a real plant, or drawing upon memory, and, if these watercolors were intended as a form of scientific illustration.

 As previously mentioned, these paintings have no exact provenance. It is unclear exactly which Huntington daughter created them. Despite being a family that was so well documented, with extensive letters and diaries, these watercolors may have been lost in translation. A good guess as to who the artist might be is Bethia Huntington. She attended the Emma Willard School (circa 1820). When she returned home, she wrote to her younger sisters Mary and Catherine in the 1830’s who were then at the Emma Willard School with updates about how the plants were doing with concise notes about their growth. In her letters, she writes about her passion for flowers, and cared deeply about the family garden.

 This article is based off previous research done by Mount Holyoke College alum, Ann Hewitt. Her work on watercolors is a part of her larger research paper Becoming Accomplished: The Porter Phelps Huntington Daughters. Her preliminary research on watercolors was further edited and continued by Museum Assistant Evelyn Foster. 

Sources

Anonymous. A Series of Progressive Lessons, Intended to Elucidate the Art of Flower 

Painting in Water Colours (Classic Reprint). 30.

Barryte, Bernard. “Almira Phelps.” History of American Women, May 24, 2020. 

https://www.womenhistoryblog.com/2013/08/almira-phelps.html. 

Eiseman, Alberta. “EDUCATING 19th-CENTURY SCHOOLGIRLS.” The New York 

Times. The New York Times, August 31, 1986. 

https://www.nytimes.com/1986/08/31/nyregion/educating-19thcentury-schoolgirls.

html. 

Huntington, Bethia or Mary. “Blue Flowers with Green Leaves.” Unknown. Watercolors. 

Porter-Phelps-Huntington Foundation.

Huntington, Bethia or Mary. “Bouquet of White and Yellow Flowers.” Unknown. 

Watercolors. Porter-Phelps-Huntington Foundation.

Huntington, Bethia or Mary. “Grey and Black Spray of Flowers.” Unknown. Watercolors. 

Porter-Phelps-Huntington Foundation.

Huntington, Mary. Mary Huntington ‘to’ Bethia Huntington. Letters. Box 20. Amherst 

College Archives & Special Collections. Porter Phelps Huntington Papers.

Phelps, Mrs. Lincoln. The Female Student. Leavitt, Lord & Company, 1836, 385, 371.

Rudolph, E. (1984). Almira Hart Lincoln Phelps (1793 - 1884) and the Spread of Botany 

in Nineteenth Century America. American Journal of Botany, 71(8), 382, 1161 - 

1167.

Schmidt M. Alesandra, Jacoby B. Trudy. “Herbs to Orchards: Botanical Illustration in the 

Nineteenth Century.” Watkinson Publications. 3.

 

 

"You would find a bombing a very disagreeable experience" - Correspondence from Early WWII

With COVID-19 and other tumultuous events, those of us living in 2021 are familiar with the feeling of living on the precipice of a momentous time in world history while ordinary life seems to continue on, unaffected. Through selections from correspondence included in the Constant Huntington Papers, generously donated by Katherine Urquhart Ohno in 2019, it is interesting to explore how Constant & Gladys Huntington’s friends and adolescent daughter experienced and discussed the run up to and beginning of World War II. 

Constant, Gladys & Alfreda Huntington at a wedding, June 8, 1939.

Constant, Gladys & Alfreda Huntington at a wedding, June 8, 1939.

The Huntingtons’ primary residence was in London when Britain declared war on Germany on September 3, 1939 after German forces invaded Poland. All of these letters were written in August or September 1939, and can provide insights into the beginning of the war for Britain, as portrayed by ordinary Britons, uninvolved in any decisions surrounding it.

You can click on each letter to read it larger or see a more complete transcript.


On August 3, 1939, Leo Myers, a friend and fellow author, wrote to Gladys expressing his thoughts on the “causes of the approaching war” and commenting on the weather.

It also illustrates for me a particular idea of mine: [viz?], that the world is governed more by pique, rancour, feelings of slight, the "inferiority complex", etc. much more than is realized. The future historian, certainly, will analyze the causes of the approaching war in [?tare/tone?] terms. Collectively, as well as in their representative ruling figures, Italy & Germany are going to war more out of wounded vanity, & rancour(e) rather out of any legitimate sense of injustices to be redressed or even avenged. The wrongs have been committed, the injustices have existed, but they are going to war largely in order to satisfy pettier spites.

[…]

I hope it hasn’t rained all the time, for that does make such a difference when one is living in Hotels. I am feeling so water-logged and heavy. It will be nice to see you again. I am working; & it has become a habit; and I’m not good for anything else now. I do hope this letter (dull as it is!) will reach you in Stockholm all right.

One imagines war as an all-consuming force in life, yet Leo here easily moves from discussing warfare to the weather, and calls his letter dull.


At the beginning of this otherwise ordinary letter about daily life to her father, Constant Huntington, written August 24, 1939, Alfreda Huntington (signing off under her nickname “Jane” - short for her first name, Georgiana) mentions that she “[thinks] there’s going to be a war”—a prescient assessment just 12 days before war was declared.

Dearest Father,

I think there’s going to be a war - so can’t take much interest in the races Everyone is reading about [Farm] in the papers, and no-one seems to notice the massed troops on the Polish Frontier.

I suppose my mother will be back very soon now.

On Wednesday Martyn Beckett is having a dance - which should be fun.

On Friday I go to Cumberland.

Best love - 

Jane

Please give my mother my love


Two days later, Alfreda’s frustration with the people around her not caring about the tense state of politics boiled over, so she wrote to her mother, Gladys Huntington, saying “As there is no one here interested + as I have very definite views, I have to tell them to you, at the risk of boring you.” In her letter, Alfreda shows that she pays a great deal of attention to the world around her, referencing past events and the far-reaching implications of current events. 

Dearest Mother,

If our present firm line can only prevent Hitler from attacking Poland this week, and next he might pause to take breath before trying again, as he did the first time over Czeckoslovakia[sic] the spring before last. In which ease the treaty with Russia may have been his first serious mistake - because it has frightened Japan, worried Italy, maybe hurry up our own pact with the Soviet, and perhaps even, carefully, hand [kel?], alienate his own people. ^[Without doing him any good, as it means nothing] But if he thinks, as he easily might, that by presenting England with a conquered Poland, he would once more avert war - I think he would be wrong, + we’d be at war by next week. What do you think?

The people here are taking comparatively little notice of the situation, though Auntie listens to the news, and Goodhart. Rendell (is he Mr. or Sir?) frightens us by saying that “Edward” (Lord Halifax with whom he’s been staying) thinks only a miracle can save us from war within the week, while the de Vesei’s are very worried.

Yesterday at the races we heard for the first time of the agreement, it wasn’t in our morning papers - we understood it to be far worse than it was, and [Pinkie], Martyn, + I sat thinking war would be declared today. I’ve never been so miserable. Now I think there is little hope. 

As there is no one here interested + as I have very definite views, I have to tell them to you, at the risk of boring you - 

How lovely to think that you’re back at last. Was it fun till the end? I do hope so - 

Very best love

Alfreda


In this letter to her father, written the same day as the above letter to her mother, Alfreda’s life continues on, despite her mounting anxieties. She references General Asquith, referring to General Arthur Asquith, son of former Prime Minister Herbert Henry Asquith and distinguished World War I veteran, who died the next day.[1] Alfreda was 17 or 18 at the time and keenly aware of the world around her.

Dearest Father  - 

The red ink is certainly not in honor of my winnings - as I have lost every single penny I’ve bet - which luckily was not very much, so I’ll have enough money to get to Cumberland!

Martyns dance was last night and great fun - His mother was the hostess, but as I had not got your letter, I didn’t give her your love - though I did speak to her. 

How terrible about General Asquith. Is he literally dying?

I have written a complete exposé of the political situation to my mother, because as no one here is interested I must tell someone. Do you think there’s any hope?

[…]

As there’s going to be a railway strike, and probably a war, how + when I’ll get home, I can’t think. But Cumberland should be nice, so it doesn’t matter.

[…]

With love from

Alfreda

One can imagine that Constant was much less cavalier about the potential for Alfreda’s being stranded from home for the foreseeable future than she was. It probably mattered quite a bit to her parents. 


Leo Myers discusses only the coming war in his letter to Gladys of August 27. He expresses concern for Gladys’ going to London, but the way he goes about it strikes an outside reader as amusing or odd: “I think you would find a bombing a very disagreeable experience…”

Aug. 27th

Dear Gladys, the news looks very black this morning. - I wish Constant would settle his affairs quickly, so that you don’t have to go to London. I think you would find a bombing a very disagreeable experience - especially the waiting - while they were evacuating the children. I shall have two refugees & two invalids in this little house, a [???], I suppose, I shall retire - for the next two years. My family is all settled at Erwarton with a fire dug-out. Goodbye to civilization & all that!

Yours,

Leo

A disagreeable experience is certainly one way to put it!


Viscountess Antoinette Heckscher Brett Esher was part of Gladys’ social circle, so her letter from September 28, 1939 gives us insight into the perspective of a host of the many evacuated children. Starting September 1, 1939, children were evacuated from London to the countryside out of fear of German bombing.[2] Despite hosting however many children in her home, Antoinette Heckscher’s class position somewhat insulated her from engaging with the realities of wartime and displacement. She still had household staff and leisure time, unlike many others whose lives would have been entirely consumed by childcare.
A Nursery School: Watlington Park Children in Wartime by Ethel Gabain, Lithograph, 1940. IWM ART LD 263.

A Nursery School: Watlington Park Children in Wartime by Ethel Gabain, Lithograph, 1940. IWM ART LD 263.

 This letter also provides us some insight into the quotidian concerns of the English gentry—how to deal with young, restless daughters. Although better than a son who could be drafted, parents of young adult daughters also wanted to keep them out of danger while allowing them a certain level of independence.

Sept. 28, 1939

Dearest Gladys - I was so glad to have your letter - I hadn’t heard of you for such ages, except through Dorothy. How awful it all is - and will be worse of course. One dreads so those lists of casualties…

Fortunately I am + have been very busy settling all these children into the house. With the innumerable problems that arise - but with the aid of my perfect + absolutely indispensable Irish cook + the house-carpenter we are getting it wonderfully straightened out and settled down + I am getting used to the noise - it’s only the smell in the dining room that I find hard to bear!

The isolation is going to be very depressing + I shouldn’t wonder if we took a little flat in London later on. But like everyone else one is waiting for the first air-raid…. Meanwhile I have found both solace + amusement in reading. What a good book the Prince Imperial is! - do congratulate Constant from me, it should surely do well - too good for a best-seller, but the Book Society recommendation ought to do a lot for it + the intelligent reading public will love it - as I did.

[…]

The only problem that really worries me at present - and must also worry you - is what can we do with our young daughters? The bottom of their little world has dropped out - they are bored, unhappy + désoeuvrées - and yet I don’t think we can let them, at 18, go off alone to join one of these Womens’ Armies - Do you? Dorothy suggested P’s learning to type + shorthand + then she might get some voluntary office job - Quite a good idea, but of course like most war work it entails living in London, and how can we tell yet about that? Then, I am [longing?] myself to do something to help with the war - but it is different for me as I know I am being of use here. But I do find an idle restless unhappy daughter in the house a problem! What do you + Constant think we can do? If only the young weren’t so terribly secretive! Of course they tell each other everything. Perhaps we were the same. 

[…]

All love, dear Gladdy

Antoinette

Photo from Gladys’ photo album, labelled “Evacuated children v Snowman at Parham”

Photo from Gladys’ photo album, labelled “Evacuated children v Snowman at Parham”

From Gladys Huntington’s photo album that started in 1932, we discovered that the Huntingtons also took in evacuated children. A photo from 1940 has a caption reading “Evacuated children - A picnic on first anniversary of their coming to us - Sept 2nd - The Flooded Wildbrooks.”


Two photos from Gladys’ photo album of four women wearing gas masks.

Two photos from Gladys’ photo album of four women wearing gas masks.

Alfreda still goes to the dance and the races, Constant’s business continues on uninterrupted, and Leo goes on commenting on the weather, all while facing down an impending war. To be fair, none of them could know it would become a second World War and none were of the age or gender to be drafted or asked to fight. But generally, life doesn’t stop when a country goes to war or the world changes irrevocably. Ordinary people went to work after the nuclear bombing of Hiroshima and the world hasn’t stopped for the almost 2 million people who’ve already died due to COVID-19 just in 2021 so far.


Graphing the Gardens

The landscape at the Porter Phelps Huntington Museum is just as much an historical resource as its structure and interiors, with each of its many acres having its own ledger of alterations and varying usages. Though histories of the grounds can be harder to uncover than written ones, the above maps, detailing the grounds and in particular the North Garden, provide a partial record of the evolution of the grounds and exhibit the intricacy and diversity of the floral and plant life at the Museum. 

The grounds themselves underline the privileged nature of the family: not only was it the second-largest property in the area with ~600 acres of land under the control of a single family, but it was unique in its creation and maintenance of gardens for largely aesthetic pleasure.  

As the first map above exhibits, the grounds in the early years of the house were almost entirely functional, which is perhaps unsurprising. As the Pioneer Valley History Network’s website, The Revolution Happened Here, writes, “Prior to Morrison’s tenure at Forty Acres, Elizabeth had described gardening as sporadic and casual.” With the consolidation of land and wealth in the family and the stewardship of the aforementioned Morrison, a Scottish ornamental gardener, the garden became a focal point of the landscape. 

During the Revolutionary War a Scottish prisoner of war by the name of John Morrison was captured and indentured to Charles Phelps and came to work at Forty Acres. Due to the strain put on local farms by conscription requirements, farmers were allowed to use captive soldiers for labor on their land, and the Phelps were no exception. Elizabeth’s diary mentions the arrival of “one of the Highlanders” who was quickly discovered to be a trained ornamental gardener and charged with the creation and maintenance of the gardens. This marked the beginning of the peak years of the garden: in Ruth Ann McNicholas’s thesis, she writes that “These years from 1770 to 1814 also represent the period when the grounds and gardens were in their prime.” 

As the second and third maps show, the North Garden was replete with functional and aesthetic plantings alike, from apple trees to annuals to more practical plantings like squash, corn, asparagus (or ‘Hadley grass’), and various other vegetables. Its central focus was a circular bed of Scotch Roses, a celebrated rosa spinossima.  

With the death of John Morrison in 1815 the gardens quickly deteriorated. In a letter to her daughter, Elizabeth Porter Phelps writes that “‘Our garden looks like a forsaken place…a great variety of pretty flowers which if there was anybody to dig the ground and arrange them properly would appear well… Beets, onions, here are very few, mustard small, through neglect.’”  

Though the garden suffered after the death of John, it seems to have remained very much appreciated by the next generation of inhabitants, Elizabeth and her husband Dan Huntington.  His elegant words paint a picture of the garden, pictured above, during his time and its scents and bounties. He writes:

“‘The roses, the seringas (sic) and the honeysuckle stand around the doors and windows, in all their fragrance, and the house at night is filled with the odour. The garden with its appropriate fruits and flowers, standing in regular order, shows us not only what we are by and by to expect, but begins already to afford us its choice delights, in the asparagus…pepper grass, lettuce and radish – not forgetting the green currants, hanging in luxuriant clusters.’“ 

Their iteration of the garden can be seen in the map above, which shows that half of the North Garden had been plowed for perhaps more utilitarian purposes than before. Even so, the Reverend mentions a “Mr. Woods” that had been doing the gardening, suggesting that the family retained their penchant for a private gardener and had the means to do so. 

The penultimate map, which displays the grounds under Frederick Dan Huntington and Hannah Dane Sargent from 1865-1910, describes “overgrown planting beds” and seems to suggest the restoration of the North Garden to its former size. 

The sixth and final map, wrought by Catherine Sargent Huntington, offers a more detailed account of the plantings in the North Garden. Though the flora is different from that which is listed in the prior map, the layout seems similar and there is agreement over the apple trees surrounding the garden. 

Though there are no maps to reflect it, after this period it seems that planting at the house became more reserved. Ruth Ann McNicholas writes that “Plantings of lilacs and sweet mockorange around the house were controlled and sparse, framing and setting off the detail of the architecture, which, in many places, is quite intricate.” This is perhaps a reflection of the tastes of Dr. James Huntington, the founder of the Museum, who sought to highlight the history of prominent (male) inhabitants of the household rather than its long past as a productive farm, as can be seen in his transportation of the Corn Barn and removal of other functional out buildings. 

With the grounds comprising an integral part of the Porter-Phelps-Huntington Museum, their future and maintenance has become a central question of the Foundation’s mission, particularly with a changing climate and the presence of invasive species. Thanks to an Environmental Quality Incentives Program (EQIP) grant, the Museum has begun work with Miguel Berrios, a Landscape Architect and Certified Arborist to create a Pollinator Conservation Activity Plan. The program, funded through the Natural Resources Conservation Service division of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, will develop a plan to revitalize the local biodiversity and create a habitat for pollinators, like honeybees, that have been affected by the alteration and destruction of their environment. Mr. Berrios’s plan will mark a new chapter for the grounds at PPH, one that will hopefully recreate the environment that Elizabeth Porter Phelps, Dan Huntington, and other family members described with such affection.

Sources:

“John Morrison: Highlander, POW, Gardener, Tippler.” Revolution Happened Here. Accessed July 14, 2021, https://www.revolutionhappenedhere.org/items/show/33.

McNicholas, Ruth Ann. Porter-Phelps-Huntington House Museum: Restoration of Historic Grounds. UMASS Masters Thesis, 1985.

Brotherly Conflict and Strong Wills

Amongst the collection of Constant and Gladys Huntington family papers, a folder entitled, “PPH Inc., Sale of Chaise House, Correspondence with Constant & James” was immensely beneficial for documenting the early history of the Porter Phelps Huntington House Museum. Although the folder’s title refers only to brothers James and Constant, correspondence between the two men is but a small piece of the complicated puzzle pertaining to the Museum’s early years.

Historic American Buildings Survey. Arthur C. Haskell, Photographer. August 5, 1935.

Historic American Buildings Survey. Arthur C. Haskell, Photographer. August 5, 1935.

In the letters between brothers Constant and James, the conflict between them is made clear. Upon the death of their father, George Putnam Huntington and grandfather, Frederic Dan Huntington on the same day in July of 1904, the property of Forty Acres was passed to George’s wife, Lily St. Agnam Barrett Huntington. Upon her death in 1926, the property was split evenly amongst the six children. All six siblings, Henry Barrett, Constant, James, Michael Paul, Catharine and Frederic Dane were each given one-sixth ownership of Forty Acres. This equal division lasted until 1929, when James acquired a total of five-sixths of the property ownership by buying out his siblings, all except Constant. Shortly thereafter, James and his Northampton legal representation, William E. Dwyer Sr. drafted a Deed of Release to the property on June 27, 1929, of which Constant explained: “My share became his immediate property subject to my right of residence for life. I did not like this loss of ownership but I was far away and I wanted to be helpful so I consented. The deed is recorded in the Hampshire County Registry of Deeds, Book 857, page 388.” A Deed of Release is a legal document that removes a previous claim to an asset - in this case, Constant’s claim to the family property of Forty Acres. Years later, in April of 1955, Constant recalled that he “asked to execute papers at once giving my share to [James] and [his] heirs, on my death.”

PPH 1949 Brochure

1949 Advertising Brochure

Printed & distributed one year after the incorporation of the Porter-Phelps-Huntington House.

Constant’s correspondence with Prescott Huntington, a cousin of the brothers and a practicing lawyer in New York, began on July 15, 1954 with Constant requesting: “May I consult you about the Huntington House in Hadley? It is now in the possession of my brother, Jimmie. He is 74 years old, and if he were to die it would go to his second wife, who was a telephone operator in Amherst - an Irish Roman Catholic, much younger than himself.” Constant’s unsavory opinion of a younger, working-class Irish Roman Catholic woman could not change the fact that Genevieve Huntington would inherit Forty Acres upon James’ death.

It was Constant’s hope that James would “part with any of his ownership of the family place at Hadley.” Constant wanted to be “the absolute owner of one-third of the land and buildings, [James] would own the contents outright.” The goal of obtaining one-third ownership would prevent James from selling the property “without [his] consent.” Constant worried that the property would be sold to a non-family member, and the value (both nostalgic and historic) of the eighteenth-century homestead cherished by the family would be lost. Prescott advised Constant that his goal of obtaining one-third ownership of the family property would be complicated by many factors: Constant was not physically present in Hadley, the property ownership was originally split evenly between family members, the property was involved in the incorporation of the Porter Phelps Huntington House, and finally the property’s "$6,000 mortgage.” 

Undeterred by the 1929 Deed of Release, Constant’s efforts to maintain influence over the family property continued. His efforts to obtain one-third ownership of the property eventually transformed into an effort to simply maintain enough of a claim to the property and contents in order to prevent a potential sale. James’ dire financial situation led him to place the $6,000 mortgage on the property, but James was unwilling to accept Constant’s offer of $5,000 in exchange for an increased ownership in the house and land. Another conflict between the brothers arose in May of 1955, when Constant was made aware of James’ plans to hold an auction of the contents of the Chaise House on June 4th. In strong opposition to selling any of the family’s private possessions, especially the furniture, Constant wrote to Prescott on June 6, 1955 and included documents in hopes “that it establishes my original ownership of one-sixth of the contents… I have not parted with any of my interest in contents, house or land.” His concern regarding the auction of the contents of the Chaise House was the “Regency Settee” and the “Empire Sideboard,” also referred to as the “Sargent Sideboard.” Constant claimed ownership of these furniture items and that they were simply “on loan” to James and the Museum. Once aware of his sister Catharine’s purchase of the sideboard, Constant writes, “it is perfectly satisfactory if Catharine has bought the Sargent sideboard. She and Alfreda and I only want to preserve house, contents and land for the benefit… of younger generations.”

As well as auctioning items from the Chaise House in June 1955, James’ fundraising efforts for the Museum materialized in other ways. Chairman Elsa P. Brown recorded the minutes of the Committee on Maintenance meeting led by James on November 3, 1956. “6,000 copies of the new picture brochure - “Forty Acres”, 100 posters, a new road sign and other items designed to inform the public of the historic house were financed. During the past summer there has been a 50% increase in visitors to the house. New memberships and contributions to the maintenance fund are enthusiastically received and urgently needed, as always.”

Minnie Ryan Dwight, co-publisher and editor of the Holyoke Transcript-Telegram with her husband William Dwight Sr., was a founding incorporator and life member of the Porter-Phelps-Huntington House until her death in 1957.

Minnie Ryan Dwight, co-publisher and editor of the Holyoke Transcript-Telegram with her husband William Dwight Sr., was a founding incorporator and life member of the Porter-Phelps-Huntington House until her death in 1957.

Possibly a catalyst for the increased traffic to the Museum occurred in May of 1956, when a “monastic pilgrimage” was held on Memorial Day weekend. The procession of clergy and community members from Grace Episcopal Church in Amherst to the Porter Phelps Huntington House was held in honor of Bishop Frederick Dan Huntington, founder of Grace Church, and his son Rev. James Otis Huntington, founder of the Order of the Holy Cross.

Fundraising efforts over the next few years became more creative and community-based. In 1958, Forty Acres hosted a “fashion show” of historic gowns from the collection donated by Catharine Huntington, and two musicals were put on in the shed by students from the Music Department at Smith College. Wider exposure assisted the Museum’s public relations in October of 1958 when Life Magazine’s coverage of the home and its notorious ghost stories was published shortly before Halloween. However, the income received by the Museum originated then, as it does now, from the generosity of the community, both in business contributions and personal donations.

Interested in supporting the Porter-Phelps-Huntington Museum today with a donation? Click here: https://www.pphmuseum.org/donate 
Interested in Bishop Frederick Dan Huntington? Check out the Museum’s blog post on the fourth generation at Forty Acres: https://www.pphmuseum.org/leisure-and-image


Resources

Constant Huntington Family Papers: July 15, 1954; August 5, 1954; August 11, 1954; November 11, 1954; April 9, 1955; May 26, 1955; June 3, 1955; June 6, 1955; August 1, 1956; November 3, 1956; December 28, 1956.

The Berkshire Eagle. “Mrs. Dwight Dies at 84, Newswoman for 66 Years.” Pittsfield, MA. August 1, 1957.

Haskell, Arthur C., Historic American Buildings Survey. “Ext. - General View, Looking Northwest. Huntington House, State Route 47, Hadley, Hampshire County, MA.” August 5, 1935. https://www.loc.gov/pictures/collection/hh/item/ma0732.photos.079652p/ 

Holyoke Transcript - Telegram. “A Saga of Free Faith in the New England Way.” Holyoke, MA. May 31, 1956. 

Holyoke Transcript - Telegram. “Leaders of Nation at Historic House in Hadley, Founder of Episcopal Order Honored By Church.” Holyoke, MA. May 31, 1956. 

Porter-Phelps-Huntington Foundation, Annual Reports 1949-1969

Charting Map Making at the Emma Willard School

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The Porter-Phelps-Huntington House Museum collection includes an undated, hand drawn map; Map of Europe, wrought by Elizabeth Huntington. The second child of Elizabeth Whiting Phelps and Dan Huntington, Elizabeth was born in 1803 in Litchfield, CT. Elizabeth completed this map at the Emma Willard school, located in Troy, New York, a female seminary founded by Emma Hart Willard with the goal of providing women with equal educational opportunities to their male counterparts. The choice of sending the Huntington daughters to Emma Willard School was most likely because of family relations. Emma Willard’s sister, Almira Hart Lincoln, married John Phelps in 1831. John Phelps was the younger brother of Charles Phelps (b. 1772), Elizabeth’s grandfather. Emma Willard’s son also lived with the Huntington’s at Forty Acres while he attended Hadley’s Hopkins Academy. The Emma Willard School opened its doors in 1821 with 90 students from across the country, one of which was Elizabeth. Their daughters Bethia and Mary also attended the school, and references to their enrollment can be found in family correspondence. Following her graduation from Emma Willard, Elizabeth went on to teach at the school.

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Even though there is no date on the map, we can place it around the time when ‘mappery’, or map making, was beginning to take shape as an integral part of the American educational system. In the late 18th century, schoolgirl maps became increasingly popular. After the revolution, female academies and Quaker religious institutions assured that mappery was for all students, regardless of gender or economic background. Students with less financial means would often use the spare blank pages in the back of books for their map-making studies. In comparison, wealthier students had access to notebooks dedicated to this subject. In the years to follow, the publishing of geography textbooks boomed, thus allowing for the dissemination of geographical information. Two textbooks commonly used in mappery education was Jedidiah Morse’s Geography Made Easy and Joseph Goldsmith’s A View of the Earth, which further encouraged educators in the 18th century to implement uniform standards in map making education. One book in the collection of the Porter-Phelps-Huntington Museum wonderfully encapsulates these academic visions. Written by Samuel Butler and published in 1826, An Atlas of Ancient Geography consists of “21-colored maps with a complete accentuated index.” These maps are much smaller than the one by Elizabeth (they measure about 9 ¾” by 7 ½”), however they show a similar level of detail as well as intricate labels that guide the reader through the respective region. Dr. Butler is the author of numerous other geography texts including A Sketch of Modern and Ancient Geography, for the Use of Schools.  Emma Willard also wrote one of the most widely printed textbooks and one of the first historical atlases of the United States: Ancient Atlas to Accompany the Universal Geography by William Woodbridge and Emma Willard was first published in 1828 in tandem with Willard’s History of the United States, or Republic of America: Exhibited in Connection with its Chronology and Progressive Geography by Means of a Series of Maps. Together these two works were the first to treat American geography and history as interdependent subjects, employing maps as an essential pedagogical tool. Willard used the spatial dimension of the American past to engage students, integrate history and identity, and – most importantly – to consolidate national identity. At such a prestigious institution, mappery was accepted as one of the first appropriate subject for girls and was frequently used as a path for literacy.

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In school, mappery held a different significance for boys and girls. For the men, it was presented as a way to teach skills of survival and navigation, while for women it was often an exercise in precision, an aid to retain general knowledge, and a way to show off artistic talent, particularly for handwriting and lettering skills. According to the American historian and Professor Susan Schulten, an aim of female education after the American Revolution was to “prepare [young women] for a life of usefulness and social exchange.” Mappery was thought to fulfill those goals and help young women become culturally literate. This is wonderfully evident in Elizabeth’s map with its precise line work and artistic labels. Her map not only demonstrates the high skill level it took to achieve such accuracy, but also the rigorous mappery education allocated to students in the 18th century and onwards, especially at prestigious institutions like Emma Willard.

Other recordings of mappery are present outside of Elizabeth’s work. Martin Brückner, the author of The Geographic Revolution in Early America, discusses the 1800 diary written by 15-year-old Sally Ripley of Greenfield, Massachusetts who noted learning geography several times a week throughout the school year. Equally, Catherine Beecher a student at Litchfield Female Academy “found grammar, arithmetic, geography, history, and the ‘Accomplishments’ of map-drawing, painting, embroidery, and piano available.” An example belonging to Sarah Miller included one page with a hand drawn map of Vermont and Connecticut, with the towns in both states running parallel to each other, indicating an initial attempt at mappery. 

Elizabeth’s map of Europe drawn with black ink on canvas was quite large with a width of 22 ¼” and a height of 18 ¼”. Despite some fading, the careful borders and intricate calligraphy are still visible and showcase immense attention to detail. The art of successful mappery, (as seen by Elizabeth’s map), could be divided into three components: proficiency in map reading, map drawing, and map transfer. Map reading, the most common method in mappery education, is the recollection of place names and their locations. Map transfer was a more tactile approach to mappery, originally a way for younger students to learn about geography in a tangible manner. Educators would ‘transfer’ a map into a different medium, such as a tactile cloth puzzle. Map drawing was a labor-intensive process, and several methods were taught. The first method was to place a grid over both the map, and the drawing paper. The student would look at the gridded map and draw what was in each corresponding square. The lines of latitude and longitude on Elizabeth’s map are warped in similar ways which indicates that Elizabeth may have implemented the Mercator projection method, which was used to accurately represent cylindrical projection on a 2D surface. With the rise of female academies, map transfer evolved into a new medium such as embroidery. Although there are no embroidered maps in the Porter-Phelps-Huntington collection, Elizabeth Huntington’s map is an admirable example of map drawing that provides further insight into mappery education of the 18th century and is on display in the pine room at the museum.

This article is based off of previous research done by Mount Holyoke College alum, Ann Hewitt. Her work on mappery is a part of her larger research paper Becoming Accomplished: The Porter Phelps Huntington Daughters. Her preliminary research on mappery was further edited and continued by Museum Assistant Evelyn Foster.


Sources:

Brückner Martin. The Geographic Revolution in Early America: Maps, Literacy, and National Identity. Williamsburg, VA: University of North Carolina Press, 2006.

Brückner, Martin. The Social Life of Maps in America, 1750-1860. Omohundro Institute of Early American History & Culture and UNCP, 2017.

Buehler, Michael. “A Landmark Historical Atlas by Emma Willard, America's First Female Map Maker.” Boston Rare Maps. Accessed July 7, 2021. https://bostonraremaps.com/inventory/1829-emma-willard-historical-atlas/.

Butler, Samuel. An Atlas of Ancient Geography. London: Longman, Rees, Orme Brown & Green, 1826.

Hewitt, Ann. Interview with Karen Sánchez-Eppler, January 17, 2020.

Huntington, Bethia or Mary. “Watercolors,” n.d. Porter-Phelps-Huntington Foundation. Hadley, MA.

Huntington, Elizabeth. “Map of Europe.” n.d. Porter-Phelps-Huntington Foundation.

Mason, Betsy. “19th-Century Schoolgirls Were Incredibly Good at Drawing Maps.” Culture. National Geographic, May 4, 2021. https://www.nationalgeographic.com/culture/article/schoolgirl-maps-drawings-19th-century.

Morse, Jedidiah. Geography Made Easy. Boston, MA: Published by Thomas & Andrews, 1813.

Schulten, Susan. “Emma Willard and the Graphic Foundations of American History.” Journal of Historical Geography 33, no. 3 (2007): 542–64. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jhg.2006.09.003.


Hadley's Revolution

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In celebration of Independence Day, a cursory glance at the Porter Phelps’s (and Hadley’s) involvement in the Revolutionary War certainly seems worthwhile. The family’s participation – and lack thereof – provides valuable insight into the social/political landscape of the Revolution in a small, rural setting in the 18th century. 

Perhaps most illuminating is the story of Caesar Phelps, an enslaved person at the House, and his service at Fort Ticonderoga. Despite being a prominent member of the community and nominated to various Hadley Committees pertaining to the war, Charles Phelps, husband of Elizabeth porter Phelps, never faced any fighting because Caesar served in his place. Caesar is documented as writing to Charles from Fort Ticonderoga in September 1776, a now-celebrated site. Though it is theorized that Caesar might have enlisted so as to earn his freedom through service in the war effort, he signed off his letter from Ticonderoga with, “I remain your ever faithful Slave, Cesar Phelps,” suggesting that he did not consider himself free at the time and did not expect that to change. What happened to Caesar after the war is largely unknown due to a dearth of historical records, underlining further the disparity in opportunity between Caesar and Charles.

The story of Caesar illustrates the power and privilege afforded to the Phelps’s of the time: rather than fight and possibly die in a cause that he was said to support, Charles had the ability to leverage his wealth and status and escape real danger. Serving instead on the Committees of Safety and Communication, Charles could more indirectly support the war effort while retaining his health and position of prominence in Hadley society. His absence is especially noted when the involvement of some of his family members is taken into account: on the 29th of November, 1773, Elizabeth’s diary referred to a ‘General Training’ led by her cousin Elisha Porter, who was a Captain in the Massachusetts Militia. 

Elizabeth’s diary, though it bears no mention of the Fourth of July even after it became a recognized holiday after the War of 1812, still illuminates the early Revolutionary landscape through its inclusions and exclusions, providing insight into the sentiments that spurred rebellion and the significance of now-idolized events to a rural farming community in Western Massachusetts. She does not remark upon the Stamp or Townshend Acts, nor of the Boston Tea Party. She does, however, make note of the Coercive Acts, passed by Parliament in response to the dumping of the tea, that closed Boston's port and outlawed town meetings. On the 19th of June, 1774 Elizabeth wrote “The People of the Land are greatly threatened with Cruelty and oppression from the Parliament of Great Britain – the port of Boston is now and has been ever since the first day of this month shut up and greater calamities are daily expected.” Soon afterwards, Elizabeth would make note of a particularly harrowing evening that would have certainly been considered among the greater calamities of which she was speaking. 

Just two months later, Elizabeth reports a harrowing evening. On the 3rd of September, 1774, Elizabeth writes: 

“Saturday just at night my Husband came home from town with terrible news that the army o forces which are stationed n Boston had begun to fight and were coming out into the country spreading desolation wherever they came. The men rallied from all parts, vast numbers ,then for the first time did I in a good measure realize parting with my dear Husband...Distressing night but the Lord is our trust.” 

Her entry reveals a number of things, perhaps most importantly the looming fear of retribution and palpable tension between the British and Americans. It also marks Elizabeth’s reckoning with the possibility that she might lose her husband in the war – never a small matter, but especially powerful for someone whose father, Moses Phelps, had died fighting at the Battle of Lake George in the Seven Years’ War. As it turns out, there was no fighting between the British and the Americans that night in Boston or elsewhere, which goes to show the atmosphere of heightened tension and rumormongering that was present in the leadup to the Revolution. 

Elizabeth’s diary also reveals her participation in the war effort. She records in her diary a visit to the local tailoress on August 13th, 1775 from whom she learned to make breeches for the military. Equipped with her needle, Elizabeth sewed incessantly to help meet Hadley equipment quotas that clothed the soldiers.

On the 17th of October, 1777, General John Burgoyne of Britain surrendered at Saratoga after having captured Fort Ticonderoga, a major setback for British hopes in the area. Elizabeth writes ecstatically in her diary two days later that “wonderful, wonderful words can’t express our adoration and praise! I desire to fall down in astonishment!” It seems that after this inflection point in the conflict, the war diminishes in Elizabeth’s eyes and does not merit much mention afterwards. 

In sum, the papers at the Porter Phelps Huntington Museum paint a picture of Revolutionary America that is insightful and relevant in a multitude of ways. We can see how the family contributed in their various ways – be it sewing or deliberating on town committees.  We are offered, too, a glimpse of the electrifying buildup to the Revolution that often created an atmosphere of impending doom. Elizabeth’s worries over her husband’s safety after being roused in the night with rumors of violence in the air exemplify such a feeling. Despite the validity of Elizabeth’s worries, the fact that Charles never saw combat must be noted. Not only did they enslave several people, Charles parlayed his ownership of another human being into an abdication of his duty to serve in the fight for Independence. The service of Caesar Phelps in Charles’s place testifies to the position of power and privilege that the Porter Phelps family had in Hadley, and to their full use of it. 

Works Cited:

“Letter from Caesar Phelps to Charles Phelps, Jr,” Revolution Happened Here, accessed July 1, 2021, https://www.revolutionhappenedhere.org/items/show/31

Phelps, Elizabeth Porter. The Diary of Elizabeth (Porter) Phelps, edited by Thomas Eliot Andrews with an introduction by James Lincoln Huntington in the New England Historical Genealogical Register. Boston: New England Historic Genealogical Society in Porter-Phelps-Huntington Family Papers. 

Pongratz, Simon. “Hadley’s Struggle for Independence: The Small Farming Town and Its People in the Revolutionary War.”

“In this world, nothing can be said to be certain, except death and taxes.” - Benjamin Franklin

A folder entitled, “Financials, Estate of Gladys Huntington,” was recently opened within the collection of papers of Constant and Gladys Huntington, donated to the museum in 2020. The folder is full of correspondence regarding tax bills and other mundane aspects of life, but often these informational documents provide fascinating insight into the personal lives of people no longer with us.

For two and a half years following the suicide of his wife Gladys on May 31, 1959, Constant Huntington corresponded with his legal representation, Dickerman Hollister of the firm Choate, Reynolds, Huntington & Hollister in New York from the Huntington’s residence in London. The purpose of this repetitive correspondence was to settle the Internal Revenue Service tax bills accruing on Constant’s personal income and Gladys’ estate from the previous three years. The continued revenue from Gladys’ book Madame Solario resulted in an increasingly expensive and time-consuming feat for the eighty-four year old widower who had successfully minimized his annual tax bills up until the time of her passing.

Gladys’ book Madame Solario made $3,361.66 in 1957, the year after its initial publication in August of 1956. Adjusted for inflation, that amounts to $32,204.34 - an impressive income for just a year of sales of an anonymously-written novel. While the revenue streamed in, Gladys’ name wasn’t attributed to the authorship of the book until 1986, thirty years after the book’s publication.

Madame Solario, First Edition. 1956.

Madame Solario, First Edition. 1956.

Seven months prior to Gladys’ death, a sizable amount of money, $53,422.12, was withdrawn when Gladys’ trust at Girard Trust Corn Exchange Bank in Philadelphia was closed. This concerned Constant’s lawyer Mr. Hollister, for fear that taxes plus interest would be accruing on that amount if it had been spent. “This money was paid out in October and November 1958 and it is imperative that we have a fairly detailed accounting of what happened to that money between those dates and Mrs. Huntington’s death. The Girard Trust seems to think it was all given to you. You tell me that that was not so; that some of it was spent, some given to other people and some invested. Please give me the particulars.” Adjusted for inflation, the amount today would be $511,778.21… a sizable amount to be missing.

Constant’s reply to Mr. Hollister’s concern regarding the missing sum was sent on March 14, 1960, in which he details their financial holdings and habits. After explaining that Gladys’ wealth originated from her trust at Girard and the sales / royalties of her book, Constant says that he oversaw her accounts personally. Constant closes his reply by stating that after he has enjoyed such financial comforts because of Gladys’ trust, he “should like to do the same for my grandchildren, and perhaps you can tell me how.” 

Throughout the correspondence between the two men, direct answers are rarely given to Mr. Hollister’s questions asked of transactions, account closings, and previous tax bills. Constant’s advanced age, multinational financial entanglements and declining mental faculties are made evident throughout the correspondence between he and Mr. Dickerman Hollister: the check which Constant forgot to attach to his letter, or the incorrect amount listed once the check was sent. (Instead of $309.09, Constant accidentally sent one for $309.90, which further delayed the settlement of his expanding tax bill.)

Constant’s letter apologizing to Mr. Hollister for his “further manifestation of old age… the worst of it is that this sort of thing happens all the time!” April 26, 1961.

Constant’s letter apologizing to Mr. Hollister for his “further manifestation of old age… the worst of it is that this sort of thing happens all the time!” April 26, 1961.

The last correspondence between the two men is dated June 12, 1961 - a year and a half before Constant’s death at his home in London on December 4, 1962, at the age of eighty-six. In his last letter to Constant, Mr. Hollister thanks him for his most recent payment of $121.95 to the IRS, and tells him, “I am glad to note that for 1961 and the future your American tax problems will be taken care of by your English accountants.”



Constant and Gladys’ headstone, St. Michael’s Churchyard, Amberley, Sussex, United Kingdom.

Constant and Gladys’ headstone, St. Michael’s Churchyard, Amberley, Sussex, United Kingdom.

References:

“Gladys Huntington, Madame Solario.” https://persephonebooks.co.uk/products/madame-solario


Constant Huntington papers referenced:

June 11, 1959; December 4, 1959; February 24, 1960; March 14, 1960; April 17, 1961; April 26, 1961; June 12, 1961.

Update From the Archives: Constant Huntington

Constant and his wife, Gladys

Constant and his wife, Gladys

For nearly two months, I have been nose-deep in the correspondence of Constant Huntington, the middle son of George Putnam Huntington and Lily St. Agnam Barrett Huntington, graciously donated by Katherine Urquhart Ohno. There is something extraordinarily intimate about reading someone’s letters with their family, friends, and business colleagues. Although I will never meet Constant, I feel that I know him at least a little from reading his letters to his siblings, business requests between his colleagues, travel stories to his friends, and much much more. 

When you spend so much time with a person’s words you are bound to find hidden treasures. One was this photo of Constant and his wife, Gladys, labelled “Tamia’s Wedding”. Constant and Gladys had many friends in many places, they were quite the esteemed pair. I love the sophistication in their clothing and the way that they interact with the camera as if this photograph was taken on their way to somewhere much more important. 

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I found a fascinating letter from Hans Fallada to Putnam + Sons written in 1946. Fallada was an author from Germany who in his letter opens up about his isolation in the years after WWII and the aftermath the war had on his family and his career. Hans Fallada was a controversial author in Berlin during WWII due to the Nazi’s politicizing his work, and the allegations against him that he was homosexual. His work was very popular in the mid-1930’s, and one of his novels, Little Man, What Now?, was even filmed by Universal pictures (Wilkes). It was fascinating to find this tidbit of history amongst Constant’s letters especially when this letter was written in the year before Hans Fallada’s death. 

After a fruitful six weeks of reading and studying Constant’s letters, I ended up with six full boxes of archived and organized materials. Countless histories, secrets, and family dramas can be revealed in these pages, and it is exciting to have begun the process of uncovering them!

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Sources:

Wilkes, Geoff. Afterword of Every Man Dies Alone (10th Anniversary Edition). Melville House. 2019

A Piece of PPH History

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While working through the papers of Constant Huntington this week, the intern team found a fascinating piece of PPH institutional history! Among the assorted documents was found a copy of a quitclaim deed in which Constant granted his portion of the Forty Acres estate to his brother and PPH Museum founder, Dr. James Lincoln Huntington. After the tragic passing of their father and grandfather on the same day in 1904, the grounds around the house were split between James, Constant, and the other Huntington children. When Dr. Huntington set out to turn his beloved family home into a museum, one of the first things he had to do was acquire his siblings’ shares of the property. Though PPH was first and foremost Dr. Huntington’s project, and would not have happened without his intense dedication, it is documents like this that remind us the museum’s founding was made possible by not just one man, but the collective efforts of an entire family.

The Triumph and Tragedy of Frederic Dane Huntington

For much of his life Frederic Huntington seemed to be the model all-American citizen. He was a football player, successful lawyer, and served his country in WWI. The end of his life, however, is marred by mysterious events and tragedy.

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Frederic (Freddy) Dane Huntington was born on December 5, 1889 in Ashfield, MA. He was the youngest of six children to George Putnam Huntington and Lilly St. Agnam Barret Huntington. Freddie’s father, George, died in 1904, after which Freddy was supported through school by his mother and four older brothers. From 1904-1906 Freddy attended St. Paul’s School, an elite boarding school in Concord, N.H. He went on to Harvard from 1908-1912 where he was a prominent athlete, playing football, hockey, and other sports. In 1909, his sophomore year, Freddy was 20 years old, 5’8, weighed 166 lbs., and played center position on the football team-- the same position he had played his freshman year. In 1911 newspapers across the U.S. printed articles on Frederic’s incredible strength and athleticism. Articles with titles “New Strong Man at Harvard” and “Harvard Boy Excels Champion Pugilist” had nothing but rave reviews for Freddy, saying he was “nothing but muscle.” That year, Freddy was “first string center” for the varsity football team and was the strongest man in that year’s registration and the lightest man to try out for his position. His astonishing strength was determined by a series of tests under a system devised by Dr. Dudley A Sargent. This method included points for strength of arms, legs, and chest and lungs: weight is also figured into the calculations. With his legs Freddy was reportedly able to lift 1,263 lbs. and with his back 594 lbs.! In 1912, his senior year at Harvard, he was the chosen captain of the All-America Hockey team. Freddy graduated that year with a Bachelor of Arts degree and remained at Harvard to study law. He obtained a Bachelor of Law degree in 1915 and was admitted to the Bar.

Freddy’s gas mask

Freddy’s gas mask

For a year Frederic practiced law in Boston for Choate, Hall, and Stewart. His time there was cut short by his joining the Massachusetts National Guard in 1916 when he was the Sargent of Artillery in Mexico. From 1917-1919 Freddy was overseas in France as Captain of Battery A 101st Field Artillery, 26th division. Freddy served at Chemin des Dames and Meuse-Argonne, two battles that were crucial in the Allies’ offensive effort during the war. In April 1919 he was detained as Judge Advocate, a lawyer who advises a court-martial on points of law and sums up the case, after the Armistice. Freddy returned to the U.S. August 11 and was discharged August 25, 1919. The war was “a shattering experience for him.” There is no record of Freddy being wounded, but a 1920 diary entry by his older brother Michael Paul St. Agnam Huntington (known as Paul), recorded that Freddy still coughed a lot, saying “the gassing two years ago had left its toll.” His mother said that he was never the same again. Like many other soldiers, Freddy may have suffered from PTSD as result from his service during WWI.

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Dress sword presented to Freddy by Members of Battery A 1st F.A., M.N.G. inscribed with his name

Dress sword presented to Freddy by Members of Battery A 1st F.A., M.N.G. inscribed with his name

In 1923 Freddy became the Assistant Treasurer for Real Silk Hoisery Company in New York City and was living in Bedford Hills, NY. A year later he married Elsie Entress (b. 1899, d. 1948) on February 9th, bringing her down to Norton, Virginia so that his brother Paul, an Episcopal minister, could marry them. Freddy and Elsie had no children.

Elsie Entress Huntington

Elsie Entress Huntington

            Things become alarming for the Huntingtons in 1938. By this time Freddy was the Treasurer for Real Silk Hoisery Company and the Huntingtons were known New York socialites. On December 9th, an anonymous telephone caller demanded $50,000 from Mrs. Huntington. A man with a gruff voice reportedly said:

“Tell your husband to provide $50,000 within the next 48 hours. Otherwise something will happen to you. I will send you further instructions.”

That night police guarded their Katonah home and the 48-hour deadline expired without another word from the would-be extortioner. The Huntingtons were unable to discover an explanation for this threat.

            Tragically, Freddy died just two years later at the age of 50. On January 7, 1940, Frederic drove to Hadley with his German-Shepherd dog, presumably to visit his brother James Lincoln Huntington, who was working on researching and preserving “Forty Acres.” After a prolonged absence, James went looking for him and found Frederic and his dog’s bodies frozen to death in the Old Hadley Cemetery. Frederic had shot his dog with a pistol before turning it upon himself; the death was ruled a suicide. Conflicting news articles stated that the bodies were either found at the cemetery entrance or over the Huntington family plot.


For more on Frederic’s family click here.

A large thank you to Sheilagh Smigen-Rothkopf who became interested in Freddy Huntington when taking a tour of PPH last summer and delved into many resources including ancestry.com and newspaper archives describing events in Freddy's life and sending the information onto the Museum.

Works Cited:

Caroline Smith, Museum Assistant. “Huntington Family Cross-Stitch.” Sept 1, 2019. Accessed August 2020. Porter-Phelps-Huntington Museum. https://www.pphmuseum.org/blogging-through-the-museum/2019/9/1/huntington-family-cross-stitch

D.M.G Hunting. “War Stories.” June 2007. Accessed August 2020.

“Elise Huntington Entress.” Elise Huntington Entress - Ancestry.com, www.ancestry.com/search/?name=Elise+Huntington_%28Entress%29.

Amherst College. “Porter-Phelps-Huntington Family Papers, 1698-1968 (Bulk 1800-1950) Finding Aid.” Five College Archives & Manuscript Collections, http://asteria.fivecolleges.edu/findaids/amherst/ma30_odd.html#odd-gh

The Nebraska State Journal. “New Strong Man at Harvard.” Lincoln, Nebraska. October 22, 1911.

News-Journal. “Harvard Boy Excels Champion Pugilist.” Mansfield, Ohio. October 27, 1911.

The Boston Globe. Boston, Massachusetts. November 20, 1909.

Mildred Hunting Wheeler: A Woman of Will

Mildred and Her Siblings

Mildred and Her Siblings

Mildred Alice Hunting was born in Watertown, NY on January 25th, 1894 to Stanley Hunting and Grace Devendorf. She was the oldest of four children, Frederick (b.1899), Maro (b. 1895), and Dorothy (b. 1904). Mildred attended public school in Watertown and later Maryland College for Women. She graduated on June 7, 1915, having completed her studies in the College in Domestic Science and Arts, where she achieved a Teacher’s Certificate. After graduation, during World War I, she worked with the Red Cross gathering medical supplies, serving as a hospital aide, making home relief calls to the poor, and attending rallies and military drills.

In 1922 Mildred met Edwin (Teddy) Sessions Wheeler, the man who would become her husband, for lunch at a midtown New York tearoom. After their meal, Teddy waved her away as she boarded the Manchurian for a three-month tour of Europe. This European grand tour was an alternative form of education to a degree from a prestigious women’s college. Mildred sailed with a group of friends to explore France, the Swiss Alps, and Italy, taking photos and sending postcards along the way. [1] She spent her time on the ship playing piano and singing hit ragtime music with her friends. 

Mildred’s Diploma

Mildred’s Diploma

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Returning to Rochester, NY after her trip to Europe in 1922, Mildred paid afternoon tea visits to friends and neighbors, and traveled often to see college friends. But she was restless at home and unfulfilled, her solution was to travel. Mildred’s work with the Red Cross during World War I led her to become interested in the Near East Relief, a committee founded in 1915 in response to the massive humanitarian crisis triggered by the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire which displaced millions of Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks. Mildred worked for Near East Relief [2] in Persia from 1926 to 1928 with friend Marjorie Wilson, spending time in Tabriz, Iran. In Tabriz, she managed the household while Marjorie Wilson managed the process of closing the orphanage for the last group of Armenian children whose parents had been killed by the Turks during WWI. These remaining children were placed into foster care. 

Upon her return home in 1928, Mildred had no thoughts of marriage. In her diary she rarely mentioned men and only once hinted at desire. She comes across as a strong-willed, no-nonsense woman who thought the socially acceptable men around her to be immature. Mildred called receptions “stupid” and rejected the affectations of men who wanted to show off their “manliness.” She wanted a man who was as competent and well-mannered as she was, and she found him in Teddy Wheeler.

Mildred with her two children Richard and Elizabeth.

Mildred with her two children Richard and Elizabeth.

On December 3, 1929 Mildred married Edwin (Teddy) Sessions Wheeler [3] (1891-1967) at a small ceremony in All Souls Universalist Church in Rochester NY. Teddy was a man of traditional values and had a good job working for the International Nickel Company. For him, Mildred was the ideal woman. Teddy complained about having lived too much and too long among strong women but then he married one. Mildred was as accomplished and independent as Teddy’s sister and mother. Mildred described him to her sister, Dorothy, as “a sympathetic and kindly soul,” “such a quiet soul and conservative.” She wrote, “…he is sweet to me and insists I am quite perfect. When Teddy is about my hair gets in a very untidy state. I have never been so rumpled. But it’s such fun.” They had two children together, Richard, born 1931, and Elizabeth, born 1932. After the birth of their two children, Mildred and Teddy moved out of Brooklyn, NY to Westfield, NJ. Tragically, in December of 1933 Mildred became ill with diaphragmatic pleurisy, and died a week later in her home in Westfield, New Jersey.


 [1] To learn more about Mildred’s travels click here: https://pphtravelogue.weebly.com/mildred.html

[2]  The Near East Foundation is still in existence, learn more about them here: https://www.neareast.org/who-we-are/

[3]  Edwin Sessions Wheeler is a descendent of Elizabeth Porter Huntington (1803-1864).

Sources: 

Porter-Phelps-Huntington Museum. https://pphtravelogue.weebly.com/mildreds-biography.html 

Elizabeth Wheeler. “A HUNTING–McCOY--WHEELER STORY: Circa 1920 to 1950”

Near East Foundation. “History,” https://www.neareast.org/who-we-are/

A Huntington Across the Pond

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Last Fall, PPH received a substantial collection of artifacts from the collection of Constant Huntington (1876-1962). Through a generous donation by Katharine Ohno, nine boxes were shipped all the way from London! It was only this Summer that the intern team was able to finally investigate the contents. The most immediately striking object among the countless letters and photographs was, of course, this larger than life size bust of Constant himself. The bust, cast in bronze and mounted on a simple wooden pedestal was sculpted by a well known German-Jewish artist named Kurt Harald Isentein. In addition to Constant, Isenstein sculpted many prominent figures of his time, including Albert Einstein and Niels Bohr. 

Though most of the Porter-Phelps-Huntington story takes place in New England, many family members have moved to other parts of the country (and even the world) at some point during their lives. Constant Huntington, older brother of PPH Museum founder James Lincoln Huntington, was one such family member. Though Constant grew up spending his summers at Forty Acres with his family, his adult life would take him far from Hadley.  After graduating Harvard, he moved to London in 1905 to head the British branch of G.P. Putnam’s Sons Publishing. In 1916, he married popular writer and fellow American expat, Gladys Parrish. In 1922, they would have their first and only child, Alfreda Huntington. 

Constant and Gladys

Constant and Gladys

Items in the collection show that Constant and his family lived a life of travel and leisure; photo albums are filled with vacation photos throughout Europe and Gladys’ diaries detail relaxing lunches and teas with her friends several times a week. Also included in the collection are a number of novel and play manuscripts penned by Gladys, testifying to her robust career as a published author. 

Despite living in London, Constant remained involved in the Hadley family home as his brother James worked towards opening the Porter-Phelps-Huntington Museum in the late 1940s. The family papers held at Amherst College include extensive correspondence between the two brothers regarding the museum. Both Constant and Gladys would remain in London until their deaths in 1959 and 1962, respectively. The Constant Huntington collection is quite large, and our inventory of it has only just started, keep an eye out for more exciting finds in the coming weeks!




Bishop Huntington's Communion Flagon

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Resting on a shelf in the Bishop’s study is a small, unassuming silver flagon. It’s baluster form is simple and unadorned; the maker's mark (“Lincoln and Reed”) reveals it was made in Boston. An inscription on its belly simply reads “Frederic Dan Huntington, Jan 1st, 1845”. Flagons like this one were used and continue to be used in Christian churches around the world to distribute the wine consumed during Communion. However, it is difficult to say whether or not this particular flagon was ever actually used for such a purpose.

Shortly after graduating from Amherst College, Frederic Dan Huntington assumed the position of minister at the Unitarian South Congregational Church of Boston in 1842. He served in this role until he left to teach at Harvard as Plummer Professor of Christian Morals in 1855. At some point during his time there, he received this silver flagon. The exact details are unknown, but it is quite likely the flagon was given to Frederic Dan as a gift from the congregation. It was not uncommon for wealthy members of a church to sponsor such a gift, or even for the congregation to purchase one collectively. Huntington was quite well liked by his congregation in Boston, and he seems to have returned the sentiment. He wrote this of them upon his departure from the church in 1855:

“It is not exceeded, I believe, by any in the land… for number, for harmony, for mutual kindness and consideration… and indeed for every attribute and quality which make up good parochial character in the eyes of the minister.”[1]

Bishop Huntington in his later years, 1871

Bishop Huntington in his later years, 1871

Frederic Dan would teach at Harvard for only five years before his resignation and subsequent conversion to Episcopalianism. Even so, he continued to look back on his time as a Unitarian minister with great fondness. He writes of the “Dear old South Congregational” in this 1878 letter:

“How many honored and dear names I could mention of those who were with me from the beginning! And how much could be said of them! Give my love to all the children and kindred of those who have fallen asleep.”[2]

    Though the Flagon’s origins might not be clear, it is obvious that it represented a very important and memorable time in his life. It eventually came into the hands of his grandson, noted composer Roger Sessions, who in turn passed it onto his grandson, Roger Pease. It was Roger Pease who generously donated the Flagon to the museum in 2019, where it now has a home among countless other objects that serve as a testament to Bishop Huntington’s long and storied life.

Sources:

[1] and [2] Arria Sargent Huntington, Memoir and Letters of Frederic Dan Huntington: First Bishop of Central New York (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and company, 1906), 107, 108.

Epes Sargent V: Sea Captain

Capt. Epes Sargent, Cephas G. Thompson. c 1820, located PPH Front Hall, oil on canvas.

Capt. Epes Sargent, Cephas G. Thompson. c 1820, located PPH Front Hall, oil on canvas.

Mary Otis Lincoln, Cephas G Thompson, c 1820, located PPH Front Hall, oil on canvas.

Mary Otis Lincoln, Cephas G Thompson, c 1820, located PPH Front Hall, oil on canvas.

A collection of letters from the Sea Captain Epes Sargent V (1784-1853), were donated to the museum by Elizabeth Dyer Merrill. The majority of them are addressed to Sargent’s third wife, Mary Otis Lincoln Sargent (1795-1870). But there are a couple addressed to some of his children as well as a return letter from Mary to him. 

Most of our knowledge about Epes Sargent V comes from another set of letters already in the Porter-Phelps-Huntington Family Papers, that give a first hand account of his life at sea. These new letters give some further insight into his family life. Epes Sargent was the fifth Epes born to the Sargent family originally from Gloucester Mass. He was orphaned at the age of five with his two sisters, Amelia Bernard and Frances, and from there they were raised in their grandfather Foster’s home. Sargent then took after his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather in becoming a ship owner. After suffering some losses in a business venture with his brother in law John Barker in the late 1810’s, Epes took to the sea in his brig ‘Romulus’ and later the ship ‘Volga’.  In the 1820’s he made four trips to St. Petersburg, Russia, most of his letters to Mary were addressed from there or Copenhagen. Mary and Epes married in 1821, having met through his children, as they went to Derby Academy in Hingham where she taught. Her father Abner Lincoln was the first Preceptor of the academy.

(Portrait of Hannah Dane Sargent Huntington, located in Bishop’s Study)

(Portrait of Hannah Dane Sargent Huntington, located in Bishop’s Study)

Together Epes and Mary had five more children to add to the first five from Epes’s second marriage. Their daughter Hannah Dane Sargent, named after his second wife, married Frederic Dan Huntington, tying together the Sargent and Huntington families. 

In his letters Sargent comes across as having been a very loving and devoted husband and father. 

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“I feel an assurance My Love that you will never have cause to regret your having bestowed your affections on me, mine believe me is not a light and momentary passion but a pure and solid affection- Love founded on the firm basis of regard for your inestimable goodness, in you my Dear Mary I am fully confident I have indeed a bosom friend, and my children the best of mothers- I shall feel anxious for the happy day to arrive when I shall be permitted in deed and in health to call you mine-...”

Epes Sargent V to Mary Otis Lincoln, May 26th 1821

Epes was constantly asking after everyone’s health and remarking how he wished to be home with his family. Considering that both of his previous wives died, it seems he was anxious to spend time with his family just as they wished to have him home. Between his and Mary’s letters it also becomes clear that even though he was at sea on his ship, Mary and the children were able to watch for him with a spyglass, and discern his figure onboard the ship when he was in or close to port. This spyglass was given to the museum by David M.G. Huntington and is still on display as part of the collection today! 

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“Will it afford my dear Husband any pleasure to know how narrowly he has been watched this day? Believe me when I say it has to me been a day of trial that I hope not soon to be made sensible of again- the spy-glass has not been taken from my eye but for a short time, and then only that I might see our little ones made comfortable, or to give others an opportunity to catch a glimpse of their Fathers form. Which we could plainly distinguish from all others;...”

Mary O.L. Sargent to Epes Sargent, June 12th 1823

While the family was living in Boston in the early 1820’s, these letters also include the Sargent’s search for a house elsewhere. Before leaving for St. Petersburg aboard his ship the “Romulus”, Epes spent time engaging with Mr. Hatersons about taking over his home. While in St. Petersburg, he remarked that Mary would have to handle the move by herself as he wouldn’t be home in time to help. Over the years the family moved four more times, they tried living on a farm in Milton Mass. but moved back to Boston after a short time and then to Western Avenue and Roxbury. 

As Epes spent more time abroad he was enjoying it less and less. A common theme in his letters is that the markets often are not good for him, causing a loss of profit, and that he is tired of being away from home for such a large part of the year. He doesn’t go into huge detail about his trips themselves, but rather focuses on sharing his love for his wife, and addressing each of his children with interest in how they are growing and learning. 

Epes Sargent VI, attributed to C. Harding, Date Unknown, located PPH Dining Hall, oil on canvas.

Epes Sargent VI, attributed to C. Harding, Date Unknown, located PPH Dining Hall, oil on canvas.

In the summer of 1828, Sargent took his third son, Epes Sargent VI along with him to Russia. In his letter to Mary, he remarks that he wished he had more free time to go about the city with his son, but that his friends there were entertaining the fifteen year old, and would even have Epes leave him there, something he didn’t seem inclined to consider!

The younger Epes did not take to the sea like his father, and instead pursued a career in writing, becoming an Editor of the Boston Evening Transcript and writing plays and poems as well. See this post for more information on Epes VI!

After his fourth trip to St. Petersburg, it seems that Epes finally got to spend more time with his family as he wished. Epes died at his Roxbury home on April 19th 1853. 

Tiny Treasures

Recently, a surprise item was found among donations from Wheeler descendants. Nestled in between various framed photographs and books was a small fabric drawstring bag. It has a quilted appearance, with a pink floral design, and a pale pink interior. Normally, these bags were used as a travelling jewelry box. The bag’s contents were carefully wrapped, concealing a special collection of objects. Loosening the drawstring and unfolding the paper revealed the priceless contents: a black clay dog, a small doll made out of embroidery thread with a tissue veil, two small walnut shells decorated with googly eyes and red felt, and a felt mouse wearing a white and red robe holding a book with a gold cross on the cover. These adorable objects appear handmade and sentimental. Oddities like these are common in most households, especially those with children. These objects were carefully preserved for a lifetime of childhood memories!

Celebrating Independance Day!

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 Before Congress passed a law claiming the fourth of July as a national holiday on June 28, 1870, it was a day of spontaneous celebration. It was customary for towns and cities to have bonfires, processions, military displays, and fireworks, much like today! However, fourth of July celebrations did not become such a popular event until after the war of 1812. In a diary entry from Elizabeth Porter Phelps on July 4, 1802, we see that her focus was on family and friends coming and going through the week, with no mention of any festivities! Normally, the museum would offer tours and tea to commemorate, but this year, we hope you enjoy a safe holiday at home with family and friends, just like Elizabeth!
 

“Sun: Mr. Hop 1st Tim. 6&5 — afternoon I stayed with the babe — Mr. Hop: 2nd Chronicles 15&4. Tuesday Mitty & I at Concert of prayer — Mr. John Smith from Matt. 6&6. Wednesday Mrs. Hop & Mrs. Austin of Worcester here. Mr. Huntington & wife & son arrived in safety by the kindness of heaven. Thursday all at brother Warners. Jest at night my son from Boston & his father came and drank tea with us — my son is come to carry home his wife & son — he got here after we went to brothers — came by Brimfield & brought Mrs. Hitchcock thus we are favoured with all our children & grand children meeting here except Mr. Hitchcock & his son Charles. Lord bless us in the redeemer. Fryday Mr. Partons & wife visit here. Satt: Sister Dickinson & Polly visit here, Susan Cutler, Lucy Barron, Sister Warner & her daughter Dickinson. The two sons at Northampton by Hatfield forenoon.” – Elizabeth Porter Phelps, Diary Entry, July 4 1802

Paul Shipman Andrews: A Champion for Peace

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On December 15, 1917, Hannah Sargent Sessions (daughter of Ruth Huntington Sessions and favorite granddaughter of Bishop Frederic Dan Huntington) married Syracuse lawyer Paul Shipman Andrews (1887-1967).  In her memoir “Sixty Odd”, Ruth describes her daughter’s marriage in vivid detail:

“The engagement was already a year old, and Paul was expecting to be sent to France in the spring. Roger[1] played the march, and I an accompaniment to a violin obbligato, by a student in the music department, while an old English wedding-hymn was sung and the married pair knelt after the benediction; it was very reverent and lovely. Then, as they rose from their knees came the dramatic feature of the occasion. Roger sounded the strains of The Star- Spangled Banner from the large trumpet, the tones of which filled the hall. The guests were already standing and smiling—bringing the affair to a triumphant climax…” [2]

Paul (third from the right) during his service in France, WW1

Paul (third from the right) during his service in France, WW1

With that, Paul became a member of the Huntington family. Paul’s family, the Andrews, had quite a reputation of their own. His mother, Mary Raymond Shipman Andrews, was a popular writer best known for her 1906 short story “The Perfect Tribute”, and both Paul’s father and grandfather were well known lawyers in Syracuse. It was no surprise that he followed in their footsteps. He completed his undergraduate studies at Yale in 1909, and earned his law degree from Columbia University in 1912. After his service as a Captain in France during World War One, he would go on to become dean of the Syracuse University College of Law. His tenure as dean was interrupted by the outbreak of the Second World War; he once again served (this time as a Lieutenant Colonel) in North Africa and Italy from 1943 to 1946. During the war, he was heavily involved in humanitarian efforts to aid people displaced by the fighting in Italy. He received an award from the Italian Red Cross for his efforts. 

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Cover page of Paul’s 1953 treatise “Cost of War or Price of Peace” Now a part of the PPH collection

Cover page of Paul’s 1953 treatise “Cost of War or Price of Peace” Now a part of the PPH collection

Notes

[1]  Hannah’s brother, American composer Roger Sessions (1896-1985)

[2]  Sessions, Ruth Huntington. Sixty Odd: A Personal History. Brattleboro: Stephen Daye Press, 1936, 393.

[3] Both groups were part of the greater “World Federalist Movement” a popular 20th century political movement bent on creating a new international system that could prevent another global war

After the war, Paul became quite concerned with the growing threat of conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union. In 1952, he retired from his position at Syracuse, and devoted the rest of his life to advocating for global peace. To this end, he spent a year working for the pentagon during which he produced a paper titled “The Cost of War and the Price of Peace”. This extensively researched paper details what steps Paul believed were necessary to achieve peace in an increasingly turbulent world. After his time at the Pentagon, he spent the remainder of his life working in a similar capacity for two organizations dedicated to peace through global disarmament: the United World Federalists (UWF) and the World Association of World Federalists (WAWF) [3]. He spent much of the 1950s and 60s traveling throughout Europe and Africa, sharing his proposals with kings, statesmen, and several popes.

Peace remained Paul’s project right up to his death in 1967, at the age of 79. Obituaries were published as far away as Switzerland, and the UWF posthumously declared him their “Man of the Year”; both acts stand as testament to Paul’s reputation among the international community as one of peace’s greatest advocates.

A Swiss obituary for Paul, published 1967. The headline reads “A Champion of Peace”

A Swiss obituary for Paul, published 1967. The headline reads “A Champion of Peace”

A Slice of Cottage Life

A recent donation to the museum included a collection of small, wooden-handled knives of varying shapes and styles. These knives came from the Thompson family summer cottage known as the Neudick House in Georgetown, ME. The property was bought by Elizabeth (Bessie) Wheeler Thompson (b.1884)[1] and John (Jack) Fairfield Thompson (b. 1883) in the 1930s. The summer house was complete with a farmer and chauffeur to drive them between their many properties.[2] The couple was known to be a dazzling pair, “eclipsing all others.” On February 14, 1911, Jack proposed to Bessie on the Brooklyn Bridge. Afterwards, their letters to each other are full of love and longing. In a section from Jack’s letter, he wrote:

In my heart, I have been your man for a long time…I will come for you tomorrow and we will walk that blessed Bridge again… I am so happy. I only feel, I cannot think. But last night I left you more truly your husband and you more truly my wife than any human ceremony can make us.

Goodnight from your husband,

Jack

Looking closely at the knives reveals history a bit closer to home. Two of the knives’ handles are marked with a label from their manufacturer, the inscriptions reading “Russell” and “Russell Green River Works.” This company was started in 1834 by John Russell in a water-powered factory on the banks of the Green River in Greenfield, MA making butcher and kitchen knives. Large quantities of their hunting knives were shipped out West to the American frontier. Reproductions of their fur trade era knives are still being sold.

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The Russell knife in the top image is a common paring knife, while the Russell knife in the bottom image is a chicken “sticking” knife. Aptly named, this knife would have been used to kill chickens by sticking the blade into their brain and giving a small twist. Both knives are circa 1910.

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One of the other knives has also been inscribed with a company name. This watermark is on the blade, rather than on the handle like the Russell knives. The blade of the smooth round handled knife reads “DEXTER PAT 3-7-16.” This cutlery line is linked to the Harrington Cutlery Company, founded in 1818 in Southbridge, MA. In 1884, the Dexter line of kitchen and table cutlery, which this knife is from, was introduced.

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It is an oyster knife, designed for strength and durability. The sharp, flat blade with a stop at the end is ideal for splitting the oyster shells and the round grip gives comfortable handling. It likely dates to before 1933.

These two local cutlery manufacturers, The Harrington Cutlery Company and Russell Green River Works, merged in 1933 to become the Russell Harrington Cutlery Company. The company still thrives today in Southbridge, MA.

The Neudick House contained a variety of old utensils, including these knives. While material possessions abounded for Bessie and Jack Thompson, their value paled in comparison to their devotion to each other. In a letter to Bessie, Jack wrote, “All eternal things seem part of me now. There are only two primary facts: you and me.”



[1] Elizabeth Wheeler Thompson is descended from Elizabeth Huntington Fisher (1803-1864). Our 2016 exhibit on Elizabeth Porter Huntington Fisher imparts details from her life as described in her letters. To explore this exhibit, click here: https://www.pphmuseum.org/news/2016/8/8/the-porter-phelps-huntington-museum-presents-a-life-in-letters-elizabeth-porter-huntington-sessions-by-kristin-malin-a-mixed-media-visual-art-installation

[2] In the 1930s, John (Jack) Fairfield Thompson was the executive vice president of International Nickel Co, eventually becoming President and Chairman of the Board. He was very successful, which allowed for the couple to travel often and purchase many properties.

Sources:

Albert Shane, Museum of Our Industrial Heritage, http://industrialhistory.org/contact-us/.

“About Dexter.” English, www.dexter1818.com/about-dexter.

McCabe, John. Oyster Knives, oysters.us/oyster-knives.html.

Elizabeth Wheeler, “Fisher-Wheeler-Thompson Story”, “A HUNTINGTON-FISHER-SESSIONS STORY “